When Madagascar Had Two Presidents and a Blockaded Capital

On February 22, 2002, Marc Ravalomanana stood before a cheering crowd in Antananarivo and declared himself President of Madagascar. Across the island, in the port city of Toamasina, Didier Ratsiraka — the man who had ruled the country for most of the previous 27 years — also claimed the presidency. For the next five months, Madagascar had two governments, two capitals, and a blockade that brought the highland capital to its knees.

The election that solved nothing

The crisis began on December 16, 2001, when voters went to the polls to choose between Ratsiraka, the longtime strongman seeking another term, and Ravalomanana, a self-made dairy magnate who had won popularity as the effective mayor of Antananarivo. The campaign had been fierce, pitting the coastal establishment against a rising urban reformer.

When the National Electoral Commission released its official tally, neither candidate had cleared the 50 percent threshold required for a first-round victory. A runoff was scheduled. But Ravalomanana's team, backed by an independent observer consortium, insisted their own count showed he had already won outright with more than half the vote. The High Constitutional Court upheld the commission's figures and ordered a second round. Ravalomanana called it fraud.

A capital under siege

On January 26, 2002, Ravalomanana launched a general strike in Antananarivo. Hundreds of thousands of residents shut down the city — banks, businesses, even international flights ground to a halt. The demonstrations were massive and, at first, peaceful. Then, on February 22, with the strike still paralyzing the capital, Ravalomanana took the oath of office himself, declaring the court's ruling illegitimate.

Ratsiraka's response was swift. He and his cabinet retreated 350 kilometers east to Toamasina, the island's main port. From there, his supporters imposed a stranglehold on the capital. They blocked the main highway, destroyed bridges, and halted the flow of rice, fuel, and medicine into Antananarivo. The highland regions backed Ravalomanana; the coastal provinces largely stood with Ratsiraka. The military fractured, units choosing sides. Violence flared at roadblocks and in the streets. The economy, already fragile, went into free fall.

Mediation and a recount

The African Union and the Southern African Development Community refused to recognize either claimant and dispatched mediators. Talks opened in Dakar, Senegal, under the auspices of former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano. The breakthrough came when both sides agreed to a full recount of the December ballots under international supervision.

In April 2002, the High Constitutional Court — its composition altered during the crisis — announced the revised results. Ravalomanana had won 51.5 percent in the first round. Ratsiraka had taken 36 percent. The court declared Ravalomanana the legitimate president. He was sworn in on May 6, but Ratsiraka refused to yield, still operating from Toamasina with a rump government.

The end of the old order

Ravalomanana's forces, sometimes called the "pacifying army," began moving toward the coast. In many towns, Ratsiraka's administrators fled without a fight. By early July, the former president's position had collapsed. On July 7, 2002, Didier Ratsiraka and his closest aides boarded a plane for France, entering exile. The blockade was lifted. The five-month standoff was over.

The crisis left deep scars. The blockade had cost the economy an estimated $1.6 million a day in lost revenue. Food prices in Antananarivo had tripled. At least 70 people died in the violence. Yet the resolution — a court-ordered recount, international mediation, and a peaceful (if delayed) transfer of power — became a template of sorts. It proved that Madagascar's institutions, however strained, could still function under pressure. It also revealed how quickly a disputed vote could fracture the country along its oldest geographic and political fault lines. The pattern would repeat in 2009, and the shadow of 2002 still shapes Malagasy politics today.

This is one episode in a much longer story. For the full account of the 2001-2002 Malagasy political crisis, read “The Politics of Madagascar” by Lauren Rose on MixCache.com.