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The Plot to Burn Manhattan

Table of Contents

  • Chapter 1 Shadows in Richmond
  • Chapter 2 The Secret Service Bureau
  • Chapter 3 Northern Exposure
  • Chapter 4 The St. Nicholas Hotel
  • Chapter 5 The Union Detective
  • Chapter 6 Greek Fire
  • Chapter 7 Whispers in the Lobby
  • Chapter 8 Despatches from Washington
  • Chapter 9 The Astor House Assembly
  • Chapter 10 Barnum’s American Museum
  • Chapter 11 Ciphers in the Dark
  • Chapter 12 Broadway at Dusk
  • Chapter 13 The Eve of the Vote
  • Chapter 14 The Eight Disperse
  • Chapter 15 Sparks in the Corridor
  • Chapter 16 Inferno at the Fifth Avenue
  • Chapter 17 Panic on the Bowery
  • Chapter 18 Smoke Over the Winter Garden
  • Chapter 19 Midnight Pursuits
  • Chapter 20 Severed Wires
  • Chapter 21 The Metropolitan Stand-off
  • Chapter 22 Ashes and Ballots
  • Chapter 23 The Traitor's Trail
  • Chapter 24 Race to the Ferry
  • Chapter 25 Dawn Over the City
  • Chapter 26 The Unspoken Conspiracy

CHAPTER ONE: Shadows in Richmond

The autumn rain in Richmond did not fall so much as it hung, suspended in the choking soot of ironworks and coal hearths. It seeped into wool tunics, turned the red clay roads of the Confederate capital into an intractable porridge, and carried on its damp breath the sour smell of a besieged city running low on flour and patience. In late October of 1864, the Confederate States of America was shrinking. Everyone who could read a map knew it, though very few said it loudly enough to carry beyond the parlor doors. Grant was locked onto Lee’s throat at Petersburg, Sheridan had turned the Shenandoah Valley into a smoldering cinder-bed, and William Tecumseh Sherman was sharpening his knives in the ruins of Atlanta.

In the high-ceilinged offices on the second floor of the Confederate Customs House on Main Street, however, the illusions of empire died hard.

Captain Robert Cobb Kennedy leaned against the cold sill of a tall window, tapping his thumb against his trouser seam. He wore a patched gray coat that had seen the mud of Chickamauga and the dank humidity of a prisoner stockade on Johnson’s Island in Lake Erie. He had slipped through the frozen marshes of that Northern camp nearly a year earlier, swam half-choked through icy water, and worked his way back south with hollowed cheeks and a persistent, dry cough that smelled faintly of prison-fever. He was twenty-nine years old, but his eyes carried the yellowed, deadened cast of an old hound that had been beaten too often with a broom handle.

"You're fidgeting, Kennedy," a voice came from behind the mahogany desk.

Kennedy did not turn immediately. Below in the square, a team of mules struggled to drag an artillery caisson through the muck. The driver beat them with a length of harness leather, cursing with a rhythm as steady as church bells. "The air is thin in this town, Colonel. Too many clerks breathing what little oxygen is left between the James River and the trenches."

Colonel James Chenoweth did not look up from his ledger. He was a man made entirely of dry paper and ink, with silver spectacles perched on a thin, sharp nose. Chenoweth was nominally attached to the War Department, but his true masters belonged to the labyrinthine world of the Confederate Signal Bureau and the covert operations network financed through Richmond's dwindling reserves of British gold.

"The clerks keep the army fed," Chenoweth said mildly, blotting a line of script with a handful of sand. "Or rather, they account for why the army cannot be fed. An essential service, I assure you."

"I am neither an accountant nor an invalid," Kennedy said. He turned now, his spurs jingling slightly on the bare pine boards. "My regiment is with John Bell Hood, starving in Tennessee. If you pulled me out of the line and brought me back across the Potomac through a blizzard of Union pickets just to make me watch you dust ledgers, I’d prefer you send me back to the cavalry. At least out there, if someone shoots at you, you have the decency to know you're dead."

Chenoweth blew the sand off the paper. It drifted into the drafty room like gray snow. "Hood is currently marching toward Nashville to commit suicide against George Thomas's entrenchments. You would be a casualty of his bad temper within a fortnight. General Lee cannot break Grant's siege lines with conventional maneuvers. We are outmatched four-to-one in men, ten-to-one in iron, and fifty-to-one in locomotives. If we fight the Federals on their terms, Richmond falls by the spring. Perhaps earlier."

"And what are our terms?" Kennedy asked, his tone skeptical, laced with the bitter humor common among men who had survived two years of relentless infantry retreats. "Another prayer day proclaimed by the President? Or perhaps another patriotic bazaar at the Ballard House to sell ladies' knitted socks?"

Chenoweth smiled, though there was no warmth in his eyes. He set his pen into its brass stand, reached beneath the desk, and produced a leather portfolio fastened with brass clasps. "Our terms are the terms of total war, Captain. The very same terms Mr. Lincoln and his generals have taught us so well. When Sheridan burns the barns of Augusta County, leaving women and infants without a kernel of wheat to survive the winter, Washington applauds his vigor. When Sherman shells civilians in Georgia, Horace Greeley writes columns about the righteous march of civilization."

The Colonel unbuckled the portfolio. He drew out a single sheet of paper, heavy cream stock, closely written in a tight, ciphered hand.

"Our friends in Canada have been busy," Chenoweth said, sliding the paper to the edge of the desk.

Kennedy didn't reach for it. "Jacob Thompson and Clement Clay? The former commissioners? Last I heard, their great victory was sending thirty men across the border to rob three banks in St. Albans, Vermont, and get themselves chased into the snow by a posse of village grocers."

"A distraction," Chenoweth replied dismissively, though his jaw tightened slightly. The St. Albans raid had indeed been an embarrassment, yielding little more than two hundred thousand dollars in unbacked Northern banknotes and a storm of diplomatic outrage from the British authorities in Montreal. "Amateurish, perhaps, but useful for testing border security. What we are planning now is not a diversion. It is an operation intended to strike at the spine of Northern commerce."

Kennedy stepped forward, his curiosity finally piercing his cynicism. He looked down at the cipher. It meant nothing to him without the key, but near the top, scrawled in plain English, was a single word: Manhattan.

"New York," Kennedy said quietly.

"New York," Chenoweth echoed. "The financial engine of the Federal war effort. Wall Street buys the bonds that pay for Grant’s ammunition. The shipping barons along the East River grease the wheels of Lincoln’s navy. And, more importantly, the city is a powder keg waiting for a match. You recall the draft riots of last July?"

Kennedy nodded slowly. No soldier in the Confederacy had forgotten July of '63. While Lee’s wagons were carrying the wounded back from Gettysburg, New York had torn itself apart. The poor, the Irish immigrants, the workingmen who refused to be conscripted to fight a war they did not care for had burned the draft offices, lynched black citizens from lampposts, and fought pitched battles with city police. Regular troops, fresh from the Peach Orchard, had to be rushed in to deploy canister shot on Tenth Avenue.

"The resentment has not cooled," Chenoweth continued, leaning back in his chair and folding his hands over his stomach. "It has merely curdled. Governor Seymour hates Lincoln's administration. The Tammany machine despises the abolitionists. And in two weeks, the United States will hold a presidential election. If Abraham Lincoln is re-elected, this war will continue until the South is crushed into grease. But if the election is thrown into chaos—if the North wakes up to realize that its own cities are as vulnerable to fire and terror as Atlanta—the peace wing of the Democratic Party will find its voice. General McClellan can win the presidency. And McClellan has already signaled that he will negotiate an armistice."

"So you want an uprising," Kennedy said.

"We want an inferno," Chenoweth said, his voice lowering until it barely carried over the steady drumming of the rain. "An uprising requires an army, and we do not have an army in New York. What we have is a small, devoted band of officers—men who, like yourself, have been through the fire and bear no illusions about the chivalry of this contest. Eight men. Men who can move unseen through the crowds on Broadway."

Kennedy picked up the paper, turning it over in his hand. The weight of the parchment felt impossibly light compared to an Enfield rifle, but it carried a different kind of violence. "What is the target?"

"The heart of the beast," Chenoweth said. "The major hotels. The shipping terminals. The entertainment houses. The public spaces where the Northern elite gather to drink French champagne while our boys eat roasted acorns in the trenches. We will strike them all at once. Simultaneously. In one night, Manhattan will be turned into an ocean of flame."

Kennedy felt a strange, cold coil tighten in his stomach. He was a soldier. He had leveled a shotgun into the faces of charging cavalrymen at Perryville; he had stepped over the disemboweled bodies of boys he had grown up with in Louisiana. But arson—setting fires in crowded hotels where civilian women and children slept—belonged to a different ledger of human misery.

"A fire does not discriminate between an abolitionist banker and a chambermaid," Kennedy remarked, looking Chenoweth straight in the eyes.

Chenoweth did not flinch. "Did Sherman's artillery discriminate when he lobbed incendiary shells into the residential wards of Atlanta? Did the Federal cavalry ask the age of the children when they burned the grist mills along the Shenandoah, condemning the entire population of the valley to starvation? We did not invent this style of war, Captain Kennedy. The Yankees did. We are merely returning the favor with interest."

The Colonel reached into the drawer again and brought out a heavy canvas belt. When he set it on the desk, it clinked with the dull, unmistakable sound of solid gold.

"Two thousand dollars in sovereigns," Chenoweth said. "You will take the evening train to Danville, cross through North Carolina to Wilmington, and take a blockade runner out to Bermuda. From there, a British steamer will carry you to Halifax, and then you will slip across the border to Toronto. In Toronto, you will report to Colonel Jacob Thompson at the Queen's Hotel. You will be given your forged papers, your civilian dress, and your specific instructions."

Kennedy looked at the gold. In Richmond, two thousand gold sovereigns was a prince's ransom; paper Confederate notes were currently trading at thirty to one against hard specie. A single pair of boots on Broad Street cost four hundred paper dollars. Here on the desk was enough metal to buy a plantation or a regiment of cavalry mounts.

"Why me, Chenoweth?" Kennedy asked. "There are a hundred young lieutenants in the camps who still believe this war is an Arthurian romance. They'd burn down heaven if you told them it would save General Lee."

"Because those boys would hesitate," Chenoweth said bluntly. "They would get into a hotel room, look at the lace curtains, remember their mothers, and drop their matches in the water basin. You won't. You spent eight months in a Federal stockade, Kennedy. You watched your messmates die of scurvy while the guards ate salt pork and laughed. You have a scar on your shoulder from a guard's bayonet, and you have no family left in Louisiana to worry about Federal reprisals. You are already a dead man, Captain. We simply need to make your death count for something."

Kennedy let out a short, dry bark of laughter. It was an ugly sound, stripped of any mirth. "You have a gift for encouragement, Colonel. You truly do."

"I have a gift for reality," Chenoweth said, rising from his chair. He was taller than he appeared behind the desk, gaunt and severe in his gray uniform with the unadorned brass buttons. He extended his hand. "Do we have your agreement, Captain Kennedy? Or shall I have the provost marshal escort you back to the trenches at Petersburg before nightfall?"

Kennedy looked down at his own hand. His knuckles were raw, the skin split by the wet cold of the Richmond streets. He thought of the trenches: the waist-deep water, the rats fattening themselves on the dead, the relentless, mechanical pound of Grant’s mortars tearing men into unidentifiable scraps of bloody wool. There was no glory waiting there. There was only the slow, rotting certainty of defeat.

If the Confederacy was going down, he thought, it ought not go down like a dog shivering in a ditch. If it was to die, it ought to pull down the temple pillars with it.

He reached out and took Chenoweth's hand. The Colonel's grip was dry, cold, and hard as stone.

"I’ll need a fresh pair of boots," Kennedy said. "The ones I have have holes in the soles, and I am told New York can be damp in November."

Chenoweth nodded once, an abrupt, military jerk of the chin. "Requisition them from the quartermaster downstairs. Tell him I authorized it. Take the courier pouch from my desk as well. It contains your pass to pass through the lines at Wilmington and a letter of credit for the British consul in Halifax. Your train leaves at eight o'clock."

"Who are the other seven?" Kennedy asked, pocketing the heavy pouch and slinging the belt of sovereigns beneath his gray coat.

"You will meet them in Toronto," Chenoweth said, sitting back down and taking up his steel pen once more. "You may know some of them. Most are escaped prisoners, like yourself. Men who have nothing left to lose, and therefore have everything to gain. Colonel Thompson will introduce you to your commander, Captain John Headley. Headley is a Kentuckian. Morgan’s cavalry. He knows how to move fast, and he knows how to break things."

"And the weapon?" Kennedy pressed. "If we aren't using rifles, what are we using?"

Chenoweth paused, his pen suspended an inch above the inkwell. He looked up at Kennedy with an expression that was almost serene in its detachment.

"Chemistry, Captain. A peculiar invention of our friends in the North, ironically enough. A substance known as Greek Fire. Liquid sulfur, phosphorus, and carbon bisulfide. It ignites upon contact with air, burns with a heat that water cannot extinguish, and leaves nothing behind but gray ash."

The Colonel lowered his pen to the paper and began to write again, his voice dropping into the steady, mechanical cadence of a functionary returning to routine business.

"A modern war requires modern tools, Kennedy. Go buy your boots. And may God have mercy on the City of New York."

Kennedy turned on his heel and walked out of the office, his heavy strides echoing down the dim, wood-paneled hallway. Outside, the rain continued to beat against the Customs House windows, washing the red mud of Virginia toward the black waters of the James.


CHAPTER TWO: The Secret Service Bureau

The basement of the War Department building on Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington smelled permanently of wet slate, stale Virginia tobacco, and wet woolen overcoats. Outside, the autumn wind whipped across the unpaved expanse of the avenue, carrying plumes of fine grit from the construction yards around the unfinished Capitol dome. Inside, gas jets hummed in their brass brackets, bathing banks of pigeonholed oak desks in a sickly yellow glare.

Major Andrew Townsend stepped over a coil of telegraph wire that snake-crawled across the corridor floor and pushed open the heavy pine door marked simply: Office of Special Details.

Townsend was thirty-two, with the square, weathered jaw of a man who had grown up driving fence-posts into the stony dirt of the Hudson Valley. Unlike the parade-ground dandyism favored by some of the staff officers on General Halleck’s roster, Townsend wore a dark blue frock coat that was conspicuously unadorned except for the tarnished brass oak leaves on his shoulder straps. His collar was frayed at the starch line, and his right index finger carried the permanent purple stain of government ink. A round minie ball had clipped his left thigh at Chancellorsville, leaving him with an uneven, swinging gait that scraped the leather heel of his boot along the floorboards whenever he was tired.

At the moment, Townsend was very tired.

Across the room, seated at a desk covered in stacked newspapers, unrolled rail timetables, and tin cylinders containing intercepted couriers' notes, sat Lafayette Baker. The Chief of the National Detective Police, nominally under the authority of Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, looked like a revivalist preacher who had spent twenty years running an underground gambling den. Baker had pale, restless eyes that never settled on a visitor's face for more than two seconds, a spade-shaped black beard streaked with badger-gray, and hands that were constantly smoothing the lapels of his velvet-trimmed coat.

"You're late, Major," Baker said, without raising his head from a sheet of foolscap.

"The ferry from Alexandria was held up by a hay barge that lost its steering," Townsend said, limping to the round iron stove in the center of the room and holding his gloved hands over the grate. "And the provost guard at the Long Bridge was busy searching milk wagons for smuggled quinine. They were very thorough. It took an hour."

Baker made a dry, rasping sound in the back of his throat. "Good. If the Washington housewives want quinine, let their brothers in the rebel cavalry send it to them. Sit down, Townsend. Read that."

Baker flicked two fingers toward the edge of the desk, where a damp, freshly copied telegraph flimsy lay weighted down by a brass paperweight shaped like an artillery shell.

Townsend pulled off his damp buckskin gloves and picked up the paper. The message was dated six hours earlier from Detroit, forwarded through the military telegraph bureau in Cleveland:

INFORMANT 'BLUEBIRD' REPORTS INCREASED TRAFFIC AT CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA, AND QUEEN'S HOTEL, TORONTO. NUMEROUS PAROLED AND ESCAPED REBEL OFFICERS CONVERGING UNDER DIRECTION OF THOMPSON AND CLAY. SUBSTANTIAL GOLD SHIPMENTS RECEIVED THROUGH MONTREAL BANKING HOUSES. TALK IN SOUTHERN CIRCLES OF AN OFFENSIVE OPERATION TIMED FOR NOVEMBER EIGHTH. NATURE OF BLOW UNKNOWN. THREAT LEVEL EXTREME. ST. ALBANS RAID REPORTED AS PRELIMINARY TEST OF COMMUNICATIONS.

Townsend read it twice, then dropped it back onto the desk. "Jacob Thompson’s crowd again. The man has half a million dollars of Jeff Davis’s secret service gold and the military imagination of a retired county clerk. Since he set up shop in Canada, he’s tried to capture the Michigan on Lake Erie, free the prisoners at Camp Douglas in Chicago, and raid Vermont horse barns. Every single one of his schemes has fallen through because his couriers get drunk in Montreal taverns and tell their life stories to our operatives."

"Do not mistake incompetence for harmlessness, Andrew," Baker said softly, his voice dropping into that predatory, conspiratorial register that Stanton’s detectives used when they were about to ask for an arrest warrant. "Thompson is a fool, yes. But he is a desperate fool with bottomless pockets and a pack of rabid young officers who have slipped through our stockades. These men have no homes to return to. Their plantations are burned, their slaves are gone, and their cause is bleeding to death in the Petersburg ditches. When a dog knows he is cornered, he stops barking and bites at whatever throat is nearest."

Townsend rubbed his forehead. A dull ache was building behind his temples, fueled by three hours on a jolting boxcar from the Shenandoah lines and the bad coffee served at the relay house. "The eighth of November is Tuesday next. The presidential election."

"Precisely," Baker said. "Mr. Lincoln’s re-election is by no means assured. If New York goes for McClellan, the Copperheads in Indiana and Illinois will raise hell, and the entire Midwest could peel away from the war effort. The rebels know that as well as we do. They don't need to win a battle in Virginia this month. They just need to make the Northern public believe that Lincoln cannot guarantee the safety of their own front parlors."

"What does Stanton think?"

"The Secretary thinks what he always thinks," Baker replied with a thin, humorless twitch of his whiskers. "He thinks everyone north of the Mason-Dixon line who votes the Democratic ticket is a traitor who ought to be locked in Fort Lafayette, and everyone south of the line ought to be hanged from the nearest sour-apple tree. He has already ordered General Dix to place the garrison in New York on high alert. General Butler is taking five thousand federal troops from the Army of the James and loading them onto transports at Fortress Monroe right now. They'll be anchored in the harbor off Manhattan by Sunday."

Townsend stiffened. "Butler? Sending Ben Butler to New York with combat troops on the eve of a national election? Governor Seymour will scream bloody murder. He'll claim the administration is using bayonets to intimidate Democratic voters at the polls. If there isn't a riot in the city already, marching five thousand federal infantry up the Battery will certainly start one."

"That is why you are going," Baker said. He reached into his coat pocket and withdrew a folded document bearing the blue embossed seal of the War Department, signed in the furious, heavy scrawl of Edwin M. Stanton.

Townsend looked at the paper, then up at the detective chief. "I am an intelligence officer, Colonel. Not a provost marshal. If you want someone to crack heads on the Bowery, hire some of Fernando Wood’s Tammany thugs."

"I have enough head-crackers," Baker snapped, his demeanor sharpening like a drawn razor. "I have two hundred detectives in New York, and half of them couldn't find a stolen dray horse in an empty alley. They are busy shadowing local peace Democrats, reading letters sent to German beer-hall keepers, and taking bribes from warehouse owners to look the other way when cotton is smuggled through the docks. What I need is someone who understands military minds. These men coming down from Canada are not political agitators. They are Confederate soldiers. You know how they think. You spent eighteen months in the cavalry corps before you took that bullet at Chancellorsville. You know their officers. You were at West Point with half of them."

Townsend looked away, staring toward the dark window where rain-streaked coal smoke ran like black oil across the glass. It was true enough. Class of '56. He remembered the long, gray-coated ranks on the Plain above the Hudson; he remembered sharing blankets and cider with boys from Alabama and Mississippi who were now either buried beneath split cedar rails at Antietam or leading cavalry brigades against his own kin.

"Who are they looking for?" Townsend asked quietly.

Baker slid a second folder across the mahogany desk. It was thinner than the telegraph transcripts, tied with a simple piece of black twilled tape.

"Three days ago, a dispatch came from our consulate in Toronto," Baker said. "A man who used to ride with John Hunt Morgan—a captain named Headley—was spotted buying civilian overcoats and carpetbags at a shop on King Street. Another man, Robert Cobb Kennedy, an artillery lieutenant from Louisiana who escaped from Johnson's Island last winter, slipped across the border at Niagara Falls on Tuesday. There are at least six others. All young. All former officers. All carrying pockets full of gold coin."

"What's the target?"

"We don't know," Baker admitted, his voice tight with frustration. "The Toronto consulate has an informant inside Thompson's hotel, but the man only hears the table scraps. They're talking about an uprising. They're talking about linking up with the Sons of Liberty—the Copperhead secret society in Manhattan. They claim they have twenty thousand armed civilians ready to take over the city arsenal, cut the telegraph wires to Washington, and declare New York a free city aligned with the Confederacy."

Townsend let out a quiet whistle. "Twenty thousand? The Sons of Liberty couldn't organize an oyster supper without three days' notice and four kegs of whiskey. If Thompson believes they have twenty thousand men willing to face federal grapeshot, he's lost his wits entirely."

"Of course he has," Baker agreed. "The danger isn't that they succeed in taking the city. The danger is that they attempt it, fail, and in the process burn the town to the ground or ignite a general panic that disrupts the balloting. If New York’s electoral votes are not counted, or if the polling places are closed by street fighting, the legitimacy of the entire election collapses. The country will fly apart at the joints."

Baker leaned forward, resting his sharp elbows on the desk. "You take the night express north. Report directly to Major General John A. Dix at his headquarters on Bleecker Street. He knows you're coming, but you do not take orders from his staff. You report to me, and through me to Stanton. You have unlimited authority to commandeer telegraph lines, inspect railroad manifests, and detain any person suspected of carrying rebel mail or incendiary material."

"Incendiary material?" Townsend picked up on the word immediately. "Is that what they're carrying?"

Baker’s eyes flickered, settling briefly on the brass paperweight. "A week ago, a chemist named Meigs was arrested in Baltimore trying to sell a formula for self-igniting phosphorus liquid to a Confederate agent. He claimed the Signal Bureau in Richmond had already manufactured fifty gallons of the stuff and shipped it to Halifax via a British blockade runner. They call it Greek Fire. You pour it over a mattress or a wooden floor, walk away, and within twenty minutes the liquid evaporates, exposing pure phosphorus to the air. It bursts into flames that cannot be quenched with water. A bucket of well water only makes it burn hotter."

Townsend felt a chill run through the heat of the small office. He had seen the effects of Greek Fire once before, during the siege of Charleston, when Federal batteries threw incendiary shells into the lower wards of the city. He had seen the way the fire ate through brick mortar and timber alike, turning whole blocks into towering chimneys of orange spark and sulfurous white smoke that choked the horses in their traces half a mile away.

"If they bring that into Manhattan," Townsend said, "the wooden tenements along the East River will burn like matchboxes. The fire department won't be able to lay hose fast enough."

"Then don't let them light it," Baker said flatly.

The detective stood up, signaling that the audience was at an end. He was not an imposing man, but he radiated a relentless, bureaucratic malice that made even seasoned cavalry colonels uncomfortable.

"One more thing, Major," Baker added as Townsend turned toward the door. "Governor Seymour has his own state detectives working the city. Superintendent John Kennedy of the Metropolitan Police has another crew. They do not like us. They think the War Department is trying to subvert the civil authorities and rig the vote for Lincoln. If you get caught in the middle of a jurisdictional squabble, do not expect General Dix to shield you. If you fail, Stanton will disavow you before your body is cold."

"I am used to cold water, Colonel," Townsend said.

"Good. Because New York in November is very cold indeed. And if our friends from Richmond have their way, it is about to get excessively hot."

Townsend took the travel pass, tucked the thin dossier into his inner coat pocket, and left the room.

The corridor outside was louder now. Clerks were scurrying between the telegraph office and the cipher desk, their shoes clicking sharply against the stone floor. From behind the locked doors of the Secretary's private office came the muffled, angry roar of Edwin Stanton berating some unfortunate quartermaster who had failed to deliver cavalry saddles to the Valley on schedule.

Townsend walked out into the biting gray drizzle of Pennsylvania Avenue. Across the mud-churned street, an open-topped hackney cab sat waiting by the curb, the horse’s head bowed low against the rain. Townsend climbed into the back, smelling the wet straw that covered the floorboards, and pulled his wool scarf tight around his throat.

"Where to, Major?" the driver asked, turning his broad, red face around from the box.

"Sixth Street Station," Townsend said, leaning back against the cracked leather seat. "The Camden and Amboy line. And make it quick. I have a train to catch."

As the cab lurched forward, Townsend touched the brass buttons of his waistcoat. Beneath the wool and linen, his fingers could feel the stiff corners of the Confederate dossier.

Robert Cobb Kennedy.

The name rattled around in his memory like a loose stone in a canteen. Louisiana. Infantry captain, later attached to the mounted scouts. Townsend had never met the man, but he had read the reports from Johnson’s Island: a reckless, hot-headed West Point dropout who had been dismissed in his third year for brawling and insubordination, only to take up a commission in the Confederate army the moment the first state seceded. A man with a ruined pedigree, a belly full of bile, and nothing left to lose.

The carriage splashed through a deep puddle at the corner of Tenth Street, throwing dirty brown spray against the wooden boardwalks. Townsend looked out at the crowds of soldiers on leave, government clerks, and street hawkers selling radical newspapers. They were laughing, complaining about the rain, arguing over the merits of Lincoln versus Little Mac, utterly oblivious to the eight men who were even now slipping through the northern pine woods with pockets full of British gold and bottles of liquid ruin.

Townsend closed his eyes against the gray light. The train would take twelve hours to reach the ferry docks at Jersey City, crossing the Susquehanna on the long trestle and winding through the dark farms of New Jersey. Twelve hours of rattling coal-smoke, iron rails, and silence.

He rested his hand on the butt of the Colt army revolver tucked into the waist of his trousers. The metal was cold through the wool of his coat, but it was solid, honest, and predictable. Unlike the city he was riding toward, it did not pretend to be anything other than an engine of destruction waiting for a spark.


This is a sample preview. The complete book contains 27 sections.